Among the largest surviving collections of medieval court records are the documents from the inquisition into heretical depravity (inquisitio heretice pravitatis) conducted between May 1245 and August 1246 at Toulouse by the Dominicans Bernard de Caux and Johan de Saint-Pierre. During this ‘great inquisition’¹ – the most expansive known to historians – over 5,500 lords, ladies, doctors, tanners, scribes, charcoal burners, and cow-herders were summoned from across the Lauragais (the verdant agricultural region between Toulouse and Carcassonne) to the cloisters at Saint-Sernin to depose about themselves and others, living or dead, regarding the crimes of heresy (requisitus de veritate dicendo de se et de aliis, vivis et mortuis, super crimine heresis et valdesie).

The evidence for this immense inquisition has come down to us in a registry contained in manuscript 609 of the Bibliothèque de Toulouse (MS 609).² MS 609 entered professional historiography³ as part of the great wave of documentation of medieval records by nineteenth-century French ‘positivist’ historians (Carbonell, 1978: 173–85) when Charles Molinier (1880: 173) described it as the registry of a ‘large inquisition which spanned an entire region’;⁴ Molinier’s opinion has been confirmed by generations of historians of heresy and inquisition as a ‘general inquest of the state of religion in the whole diocese’ (Wakefield, 1974: 173–74), a judgement based on the human and geographic scope of the registry (as well as the great number of denials it contains, as one might expect from general survey).⁵ By way of demonstration, the 45 folios of depositions from the inhabitants of the first two village parishes in the manuscript alone (and the subjects of this essay: Mas-Saintes-Puelles and Saint-Martin-Lalande) contain 668 deponents testifying 685 times about 1,356 distinct persons and 236 places, in recollections going back as far as the 1180s.⁶ The registry contains depositions from 106 villages.

When Molinier issued the first report on MS 609, the power of the prevailing theory of the still-new theory of Catharism⁷ was already such that, despite the sheer scale of information contained in the registry, it was relegated to a supporting role in conveying the history of heresy in the Midi. Why this should be merits investigation beyond the scope of this essay (Pegg, 2015: 225–79; Pegg, 2016: 21–52), however there are several factors which bear directly on this study. It was Charles Schmidt who constructed Catharism in his two volume Histoire et doctrine de la secte des Cathares ou Albigeois (1849), and he noted with self-awareness his innovative ‘contribution’ of inquisition depositions to the historiography of medieval heresy. Schmidt did not know of or consult MS 609 nor any other documents in the south of France, but rather worked from the document extracts given to him by the curator of the Doat Collection at the Bibliothèque nationale de France in Paris (Schmidt, 1848: vii–viii, note 1). The Doat Collection – copies of selected inquisition documents made in the seventeenth century for the political operative Jean-Baptiste Colbert – has since remained central to defining the relationship of inquisitorial registries to Catharism due to a series of historiographic coincidences, including the easy paleography of the large script (transcribed from medieval originals into classical Latin) and early circulation from its central location of Paris.⁸ For Schmidt, the Doat documents reflected not only the heretical Cathar theology he believed was found in the Midi, but also the sociology undergirding the Cathar sect. The particular Doat depositions relied upon by Schmidt feature a striking focus on ‘heretical sympathies’ of nobility in the lands of the Count of Toulouse (including the Lauragais), one which he found adhered to the anti-noble medieval polemics and chronicles from which he argues his Cathar sect and theology.⁹ The central role of nobility in fostering Cathar heresy was for Schmidt the defining social feature of Catharism, and has been carried forward in historians’ use of early inquisitorial registries from the Midi.

Mark Gregory Pegg (2001b, 2015, 2016) has demonstrated the continuity of research methodology from Schmidt to the current generation of scholars who hold to Catharism and how it deforms our investigation of the content of inquisitional records.¹⁰ He has labelled (Pegg, 2001b: 191) one particular methodological problem as the ‘strip-mining’ of inquisitorial registries: a method based on raiding the inquisitorial registries for folio references to match the a priori expectations of Catharism, from theology to sociology, regardless of the consequences such fragmentation has on obscuring the reality of the inquisition, its subjects, and any heresis inquisitors found in the lands of the Count of Toulouse. In his monograph, the only sustained study of the contents of MS 609, Pegg inverted the logic of strip-mining, using a historio-anthropological method to understand the subjects’ beliefs (and more) from the stories contained in the depositions of MS 609.¹¹

The fact there has only ever been one monograph published on the contents of MS 609 in the 120 years since Molinier’s catalogue of it – objectively an extraordinary document containing details of the lives of over 5,500 people who lived over 750 years ago – is surprising. There is of course the fact that it has never been edited to make it widely available for study, despite a variety of attempts.¹² This may be due to the manuscript’s reputation as a massive, difficult volume brimming with formulaic depositions, judged by historians since as ‘dry, terse and repetitive’.¹³ It may also result from certain early uses of MS 609 which conveyed to historians its limited value as a source. The earliest inventory of MS 609 was a fifteen-page summary by the medievalist abbot and bishop Célestin Douais (1891), which he began by remarking that the manuscript ‘ne s’est encore trouvé personne pour le dépouiller’ (dépouiller: go over, study, dissect, strip, denude) before concerning himself with summarizing the contents according to categories oriented at theological matters.¹⁴ Douais’ article was followed by the work of his student (and editor of the Catholic journal La Croix) Jean Guiraud: his edition of the Cartulaire de Notre-Dame de Prouille (1907) and opus Histoire de l’Inquisition au Moyen âge (1935) were the first monographs to draw significantly from MS 609. The latter is famous as the first synthesis of Catharism since Schmidt (Dossat: 1967; Amargier and Fortanier, 1979: 217–18), and for providing the rubric for describing Catharism, followed by professional and public historians of Catharism since, including: compiling exhaustive lists of Cathar ‘perfects’, ‘deacons’, and ‘bishops’ mined chiefly from MS 609 which reify a Cathar Church into the depositions;¹⁵ citing a flurry of citations from MS 609 which exemplify and reflect a priori Catharist conceptions, while ignoring the multitudinous contradictions from depositions themselves;¹⁶ and a guiding hypothesis, still followed by many Cathar scholars today, that the fons and origo of Cathars in the Midi was Southern noble anti-clericalism, and therefore the focus on seigneurial depositions is of prime importance.¹⁷

Douais’ summary and Guiraud’s lists were the sum of knowledge of the contents of the registry that passed into the hands of arguably the most influential proponents of Catharism in the Midi: the cleric-historians of Toulouse who created and lead the Cahiers de Fanjeaux for decades (Biget, 2016), and the savants locaux (public historians) lead by Jean Duvernoy. Despite the immense productivity of this generation, the work reified Catharism as an historical object, and MS 609 as a source for citation, but not study in and of itself.¹⁸

It was only over eighty years after Douais published his inventory that the first articles proceeding primarily from MS 609 emerged, ostensibly reflecting the historiographic trends of quantitative analysis (Abels and Harrison, 1979; Semkov, 1984) and microhistory (Cabirou, 1995b; Roquebert, 1995; Wakefield, 1983). Three of these focused exclusively on the depositions from the village of Mas-Saintes-Puelles, the most fully represented village in MS 609, and, as it happens, the first in the manuscript. The most influential of these articles, Walter Wakefield’s ‘Inquisitors and Heretics: The Case of le Mas-Saintes-Puelles’ (1983), demonstrates the historiographic power of Catharism to sway the objective reporting of the contents of MS 609 through biased sampling of source material.¹⁹ The most pronounced example is Wakefield’s declaration that ‘social distinctions are not easy to detect’ in the manuscript, but he in fact passes over them as they do not adhere to his theme. With his keen eye for social history, he picks out a rare mention of the village consuls of Mas-Saintes-Puelles from a contemporary royal oath (juramentum), noting their existence with a single sentence but without either referring to or researching the six consuls within the depositions (a significant oversight, as we shall see). But, following the above-noted tendency of Cathar historiography to prioritise nobility, Wakefield then returns to the theme with longer speculation about possible co-seigneurs of Mas-Saintes-Puelles that he found in a ‘mimeographed booklet, locally produced’ in 1969 at the village, a claim for which there is no evidence in MS 609 nor any other source extant. Wakefield thus proceeds to render the story of the villagers who appeared before Bernard de Caux and Johan de Saint-Pierre as the intricate doings of the seigneurial del Manso clan and heretics, and then other villagers. Other studies present sample bias in different ways: some have focused entirely on village seignieurie deeply attached to Cathar heresy as a family affair over generations at le Mas (Roquebert, 1995) and Saint-Martin (Cabirou 1995b); still others purport a prosopography (Semkov, 1984) of heresy at le Mas,²⁰ or a broader registry-wide demography of women and their participation in heresy (Abels and Harrison, 1979), but without going outside the depositions to corroborate it.

My own curiosity about the contents of the registry was motivated by Pegg’s arguments and lead eventually to preparing a digital edition of it. While this article does not directly explore Pegg’s thesis nor the nature of any heresis inquisitors searched for in the Midi, it does owe its findings to Pegg’s caution to treat the inquisition based on what was recorded by inquisitors themselves, and not on medieval polemics and tracts. But where Pegg took an anthropological route to understand the lives and beliefs of the subjects of the inquisition of 1245–56 and how the first generation of inquisitors shaped that into heresy, I have been absorbed by indications of whom Bernard de Caux and Johan de Saint-Pierre aimed their inquisition at. What I discovered during the act of creating a native digital edition²¹ – reading, transcribing, encoding, tagging, and connecting depositions – was that these Dominicans were emphatically not conducting a general survey of the faith; rather, the friars Bernard and Johan collected evidence to incriminate a particular social group in the villages of the Lauragais: the village consuls. These consuls were not united by any special relationship to whatever heresis inquisitors believed was rife in the Midi, nor were they greater or lesser practitioners of any such heresis. Moreover, the friars did this while consciously ignoring and bypassing numerous opportunities for prosecuting others for the crime of heresy.

This argument is presented below in two parts, through a study of the two most represented villages in both MS 609 and the manuscript’s own historiography, Mas-Saintes-Puelles and Saint-Martin-Lalande (from hereonin respectively referred to as ‘le Mas’ and ‘Saint-Martin’). A large-scale, comparative study of two villages will, I hope, allow us to escape the aforementioned problem of low sampling. The first part of the study presents a macroanalysis of the depositions, a technique facilitated by my edition of MS 609.²² This macroanalysis looks for patterns of accusations across all depositions using network analysis, a method that I illustrate through comparative anecdotes for scholars unfamiliar with digital methods (but does not argue from anecdotes). This part of the study produces a list of the inquisitors’ targets in each village, striking in their identical socio-political constitution as consular families.

Some commentators might be inclined to suggest that this socio-political group was attracted to, susceptible to, or otherwise friendly to, heresy, effectively displacing the historiographic blame for the Cathar heresy from nobility to consuls.²³ Others might suggest that the heresy accusations arose from internecine conflicts within the village.²⁴ The laconic depositions of MS 609 do not allow us much direct access to inner motivations of the deponents, but the second part of the study proposes several tests for these problems through a close reading (against inquisitorial formularies), tests which reveal the specific construction of incriminations in the depositions. These constructions turn out to be widespread patterns in the depositions, yet are never discussed in historiography. In these patterns we can clearly see the inquisitor’s hand selecting evidence and testimony to target the consuls and their families, while ignoring others who objectively should have been equally incriminated. In this we find the answer to Wakefield’s (1983: 221–22) open question about why Bernard de Caux and Johan de Saint-Pierre did not press on every lead they were given. It was not that they didn’t have time, as some have argued (Biller, 2010: 107; Bruschi, 2009: 16), it was that they recorded precisely what they needed.

Macroanalysis – networks of accusations

Social scientists often investigate the structure of relations between people and their communities using network diagrams (graphs).³⁶ Graphs are flexible analytical tools as they only require two sets of objects: nodes and edges. A node can be a person, an object, an institution, or an event. An edge (tie) describes the relationship between the nodes: acts of communication, exchanges, or transmission, or bonds of acquaintances, friends, and family. Edges are classed into two types which then give their names to the two network graphs: undirected and directed (Figure 1).

Figure 1

Two different ways to connect nodes (people) in a network graph.

An undirected graph tells us which people are connected to others and in what concentration (degree). These graphs are concerned only with knowing which nodes are tied together, without determining if those ties are equal. For undirected graphs, the only goal is to say whether the nodes A and B are connected; it doesn’t matter if A contacts B or vice versa, or if there is an imbalance in the relationship. This approach is usually how sociologists create basic diagrams of ‘who knows who’, with the assumption that the given social relations are reciprocal (symmetrical relationships).³⁷

A directed graph on the other hand expresses the nature of relationships between nodes which may or may not be equal (asymmetrical relationships). We can portray the quality of the relationship through direction of ties and possibly their frequency or intensity of ties. For example, A may call B more frequently than B calls A. In terms of networks of accusations in MS 609, Ermengarde Boer incriminates more people than incriminate her. A graph of Ermengarde with all edges and nodes connected to her would look like the simple Figure 2. As we begin to add more people who in turn incriminate others and are themselves incriminated, the graph grows more complicated. By applying visualization strategies carefully, we can begin to see larger-scale patterns emerge. This expansion requires setting rules for how to calculate the edges and the nodes from the digital edition.

Figure 2

Directed graph of Ermengarde Boer of Mas-Saintes-Puelles – those she incriminated and those who incriminated her. Thicker edges (lines) indicate the weight of multiple incriminations.

In the digital edition, all people are tagged by their role and individual activity in an event as recorded by the inquisitors in the registry. The roles are categories (owner, infirmus, participant), explained here in turn:

• participant is someone who interacts with heretici, including adoring them (adoravit), leading them (duxit), listening to their preaching (predicationem eorum audivit), believing them (credidit), etc.;

• infirmus is someone unwell or dying and attended by heretici;

• owner is someone who is named as the owner of a location in an event (for example in domo Guillelmi Vitalis);

Everyone at an event is a ‘participant’ of sorts, but inquisitors themselves distinguished these roles in MS 609. Moreover, they are not mutually exclusive tags in the edition. For example, an event that took place in domo Guillelmi Vitalis will state explicitly whether he was there or not as well.³⁸ If he was named at that event, the edition tags him twice: once as owner, once a participant. If the home where the event took place was owned by the infirmus, they would be tagged as both owner and infirmus. The researcher can then decide how to sort and filter on the basis of these tags.³⁹ A fourth role, heretici, is a distinct category, but is excluded from these graphs as no deposition was recorded from someone who is otherwise labelled as hereticus in MS 609, and frequently they were even left unnamed in other depositions (…et socium suum, hereticos).

Every time a deponent incriminates someone, which is recorded by inquisitors in these roles, a directed edge is created between the deponent’s node (source) and the node of the named person (target). An unweighted schema creates one edge per source-target, whereas weighted schema increases the value of the edge for each instance found in the registry. Guilhem Ayalric’s testimony can thus be represented by two different formulas, shown in Table 3. The unweighted edge allows us to count how many discrete individuals implicated a specific person; the weighted edge allows us to count what the inquisitors recorded as ‘infractions’. In this case, Guilhem claimed that Alzeu adored heretici, forced Guilhem to adore them, and Bernard attended the march on Saint-Papoul. Because this is a directed graph, we describe the directionality as follows: Guilhem Ayalric has a weighted out-degree of 6 (he makes six incriminations), Bernard Alzeu has a weighted in-degree of three (he is incriminated three times), Bernard Martin in-degree = two (he is incriminated twice) and Ysarn de Gibel in-degree = one (he is incriminated once).

Table 3

Calculating weighted and unweighted edges from the deposition of Guilhem Ayalric.

Source	Target	Unweighted Edge	Weighted Edge
Guilhem Ayalric	Bernard Alzeu	1	3
Guilhem Ayalric	Bernard Martin	1	2
Guilhem Ayalric	Ysarn de Gibel	1	1

In summary, the heuristic for identifying a pattern of incriminations in MS 609 is straightforward: collect each instance where a deponent incriminates someone else under the inquisitors’ own rubric as recorded in MS 609. We count incriminations by their degrees within each of the two villages, le Mas and Saint-Martin, to quantify a ‘directionality’ of accusations. This data is passed to a network analysis application to visualize patterns across thousands of records. The same application also provides a variety of common calculations and reports for quantifying the ‘directionality’ in our graphs of depositions.⁴⁰ The dynamics of incriminations within the registries of both le Mas and Saint-Martin are demonstrated by the graphics in Figure 3 and Figure 4.⁴¹

Figures 3–4

Graphs of networks of accusations from le Mas-Saintes-Puelles (left) and Saint-Martin-Lalande (right). Node colour represents weighted in-degree (green to red = less to more). Node size represents Eigenvector centrality (larger = more important). High resolution images and all data can be downloaded from http://medieval-inquisition.huma-num.fr/downloads.

Macroanalysis – strong centralisation of incriminations

The graphs of le Mas and Saint-Martin unequivocally demonstrate three clear patterns. The first is that the absolute number of people implicated in heresis by inquisitors in the two villages is far greater than historians have previously calculated.⁴² Within this larger-than-anticipated demographic, a small, single subgroup of people are strongly incriminated. Moreover, these incriminations come from across the entirety of each respective village, and not just within the subgroup itself. Finally, although some seigneurial family members do feature in the subgroup, their position is demonstrably less pronounced than historiography would lead us to expect: the subgroups are overwhelmingly populated with non-seigneurial villagers. These three patterns are analysed below in turn.

A truism of network analysis is that one should expect to find hubs, groups, and cliques in any diagram of a significantly-sized social group like the villages of le Mas or Saint-Martin.⁴³ This is not an effect limited to large groups – schools and classes, work places, and neighbourhoods also demonstrate these effects consistently. The first remarkable feature of both village graphs is that they do not contain any detectable subgroups. Even under the pressure of a force vector algorithm which generated the diagrams – an algorithm often used to visually emphasize the dispersing tendencies of groups in a given graph – both village networks remain singularly centralized. This is the first, and most dramatic, indication to us that the inquisition depositions do not represent the natural social ties of the village.⁴⁴

In Table 4 we find the count of total people deposed for each village and the segmentation of the depositions by those which are denials and those which are ‘sources’ of incrimination of others.

Table 4

Aggregate deposition figure. A ‘source’ is a deponent who has incriminated at least one other person, i.e. a ‘target’.

	Total People Deposed	Denials	Sources	Total People Targeted	Targets Inside Village	Targets Outside Village
Mas-Saintes-Puelles	412	311	101	297	238	59
Saint-Martin-Lalande	256	196	60	268	189	79

The denials represent the lengthy lists of deponents in MS 609 who swore to have never seen nor interacted with heretics (dixit quod nunquam vidit hereticos nisi captos nec credidit nec adoravit nec aliquid dedit nec misit nec eorum predicationem audivit). Their confessions do not contain any incriminations either of themselves or other people, and as such they cannot be graphed.⁴⁵ Sources constitute 24% of all deponents (although the absolute number of depositions is slightly higher because several sources, like Ermengarde Boer, gave multiple depositions). 101 deponents from le Mas implicated 297 people in heresy (targets), and 60 deponents from Saint-Martin implicated 268 people.

Within these lists of targets are a subset of people who come from other villages. Identifying who is and who is not resident in the village is not always self-evident, nor is it clear how one categorizes those people who appear to have residences in several villages. If the target has a domus where an event took place in the village, then they are understood to be a member of that village. In other cases, the context makes it quite clear that the accused hails from outside the village and at the same time sheds light on a small but visible anomaly in the graphs which must be addressed. Pelegrina del Mas of le Mas and Ermessende Mir Arezat of Saint-Martin both stand quite distant from the center of their graphs, although not disconnected. Pelegrina was the daughter of the seigneurial clan of le Mas, and she married outside the village to a certain (late) Ysarn, a co-seigneur of Mont Server. Ermessende, on the other hand, came from the seigneurial family at Montferrand to marry Bernard Mir Arezat, one of the milites of Saint-Martin. Both women were clearly connected to both villages, and inquisitors took advantage of these relations to incriminate as many people outside as inside our two villages. The ‘outsiders’ mentioned by Ermessende and Pelegrina do not concern us in their particularity, as they are only mentioned once and forgotten in these two village inquiries.⁴⁶

What these two depositions do is define for us the ‘network diameter’. This diameter is a technical expression of the extent of a network.⁴⁷ These relatively few instances where the network of accusations extends outside the circle our two villages, complemented by the fact that both women gave long depositions incriminating many others,⁴⁸ creates a visual impression of large network diameter which is not actually representative of the dynamics of the graphs. This same effect repeats itself a few more times in the graphs for reasons unrelated to seigneurial marriage – rather because they relay particular stories that inquisitors picked up and explored which implicated people from outside our villages. It illustrates that the graph reaches outwards only in exceptional cases. Despite the fact that ‘outsiders’ make up 25% of the graph nodes, they only account for 5–10% of incriminations. The incriminations overwhelmingly turn inwards at le Mas and Saint-Martin.

As described above, an incrimination represents one person implicating another as participant, owner, or infirmus. The weighted incrimination represents the content of the accusation – an accusation of both adoring and eating bread blessed by the heretici is weighted more than only adoring them (Table 5). Moreover, we need to remember that each time a deponent incriminated someone else, they also incriminated themselves. If someone testified that Bernard senior, lord of le Mas, ate blessed bread with heretici, it is because they themselves also ate blessed bread with Bernard and heretici.⁴⁹ This ‘hidden half’ is glossed or ignored in a historiography obsessed with ‘Cathar nobility’, but it constitutes a rapid multiplication of interactions with heretici. The fact that so many people were therefore ‘involved in heresy’, yet either confessed so little or are not deposed at all, makes the concentration of incriminations more striking.

Table 5

Summary of incriminations.

	Incriminations	Weighted Incriminations
Mas-Saintes-Puelles	1,255	1,932
Saint-Martin-Lalande	688	1,047

The center of the graphs can be measured in two ways. The first is the simple question of numbers: the more one is implicated with heretici, the higher one ranks in lists of in-degrees (i.e. being incriminated). However, simple counting of degrees doesn’t account for the placement in the graph of those most implicated in heresis. Those most accused could be dispersed throughout the graph, forming the individual clusters of accusations, like Ermessende Mir Arezat or Pelegrina del Mas, but on a greater scale. In order to understand why the graphs for le Mas and Saint-Martin direct towards a single center requires us to explain the directionality of incriminations, and how they work together en masse.

All accusations are composed of dyads, a pair of people in a graph. A dyad captures the relationship of these pairs: whether Guilhem Ayalric incriminates Bernard Alzeu or vice-versa (asymmetric dyads), or they incriminate each other (symmetric dyads). Table 6 reports the dyads found in le Mas and Saint-Martin. In the registries we find 1,303 dyads for le Mas and 715 dyads for Saint-Martin, of which 40% (522) and 61% (439) respectively are asymmetric. What is the reason for this asymmetry? Like Bernard Alzeu, one side of the dyad may have died before giving a deposition, or they fled, or they just did not show up to depose. Or perhaps they did, but their deposition did not survive. Or perhaps, like Ermengarde Boer, those she named didn’t name her in their depositions.

Table 6

Rates of reciprocal incriminations in depositions.

	Total Dyads	Asymmetric Dyads	Total Dyads – Both Deposed	Symmetric Dyads	Reciprocity Rate
Mas-Saintes-Puelles	1,303	522	781	202	25.86%
Saint-Martin-Lalande	715	439	276	74	26.81%

Across both le Mas and Saint-Martin depositions, only a quarter of dyads where both testified are reciprocal! The failure of deponents to reciprocate an incrimination nearly 75% of the time explains why the graphs of both villages are highly centralized: those in the periphery incriminated those in the center more often than the inverse. In turn, those in the center incriminated each other more often than they did the periphery. This directionality is visually evident in the graphs, but it is not just a function of brutishly adding up incriminations. The algorithm responsible for the graph is based on Eigenvector centrality, and it calculates not only degrees, but the importance of those degrees by recursively identifying important nodes. These nodes may not have the most incriminations, but they are incriminated with others who are important. They have high Eigenvector scores, and they explain why certain of the dead, and others for whom we lack depositions, appear in the center of our diagrams. Neither Arnald Godalh and the brothers Peire and Bernard Cap-de-Porc from le Mas, nor Ysarn and Andrea de Gibel, nor Bernard Alzeu from Saint-Martin would appear on a simple count of degrees – none of them have out-degrees (incriminating others), only in-degrees (incriminated by others). But they were deeply linked with other people who were both accused by and who implicated others in the centre, and as a result they all have very high scores. On the other hand, Ermessende Mir Arezat has a very low Eigenvector score as her connections are to people who on average don’t count for much in the village depositions of Saint-Martin. Eigenvector score therefore represents the directionality of accusations, not just the volume, and indicates who was most central.

Notes

1. The label ‘the Great Inquisition’ is Mark Gregory Pegg’s (2001) from his, and the only, monograph on MS 609, The Corruption of Angels: The Great Inquisition of 1245–1246. [^{^}]
2. MS 609 is one of the oldest medieval paper documents extant (254 folios recto/verso with approximately 34 lines of highly-abbreviated, thirteenth-century notarial script per folio side). Yves Dossat, in his history of inquisition at Toulouse, which contains the standard technical study of MS 609 (1959: 56–86), argues convincingly that it is a copy of the original registry made around 1260 for the inquisitors at Narbonne, deemed identical to the original in content if not form; Pegg (2001: 26) concurs. According to thirteenth-century marginal references in the manuscript, it contains two of an original ten volumes – with the exception of references to a few depositions contained in those other volumes, we do not know what those other volumes contained. My report on MS 609 will be issued when my edition is complete. [^{^}]
3. This discussion of the state of the art of research on MS 609, like this article, has limited immediate goals but wider implications for research on heresy and inquisition in the French Midi of the thirteenth century, i.e. Catharism. The debate on Catharism (Aberth, 2018: 101–40; Sennis, 2016; Shulevitz, 2018) was sparked around 2000 by the appearance of Pegg’s (2001) monograph and two collections of debates by French specialists in heresy and inquisition brought together by Monique Zerner (1998, 2001). This article cannot help but get immersed in a debate which is deeply consequential for how we understand religion and society from the eleventh century onwards (Moore, 2015), and also for how we do source criticism as medievalists (Pegg, 2015) to come to some understanding of ‘what happened’ in the past. A single article cannot hope to completely address a subject rife with numerous contentious issues and at the same time evaluate a single methodological problem. As such, I try to keep the frame as narrow as possible, focused on a specific research question; I refer the reader to my more elaborate historiography and analysis of methodologies applied to inquisitorial registries in my study, available in French and English, Vidit cum hereticis (Rehr, 2018). [^{^}]
4. MS 609 was known as ‘MS 155’ before being re-assigned ‘MS 609’ in the mid-nineteenth century by Charles Molinier’s brother Auguste (1883: introduction and 358) when he found the library at Toulouse ‘defectively organized’. [^{^}]
5. Célestin Douais (1891: 148–62) thought at first that it was an ‘enquête sur l’état religieux du pays’, but later he doubted his conclusion, believing that people came voluntarily to Toulouse under a general tempus gratie (Douais, 1900: cliv-clv). Dossat (1959: 226 n. 70, 233–34) states, citing Douais, that ‘il n’est pas étonnant qu’en 1245 les juges se soient tournés vers la recherche générale des partisans de l’hérésie’; Walter Wakefield (1974: 174) states that the two inquisitors conducted a ‘general inquest of the state of religion in the whole diocese’ and repeats it in his influential article (from which this article takes its title) ‘Heretics and Inquisitors: The Case of Le Mas-Saintes-Puelles’ (1983: 209–26); this has since been repeated by others, including Abels and Harrison (1979: 221), Lambert (1998: 215–217), Barber (2013: 195), Given (2001: 2, 35), and Anne Brenon’s student, Patrice Cabirou (1995a: 4). [^{^}]
6. The two villages are represented in MS 609 by a combined 687 deposition documents and 23 recitation documents (a separate confirmation of a deposition containing no extra information). The 687 depositions include one duplicate and one deposition split into two parts. [^{^}]
7. Catharism is the theory that a dualist, organised, heretical counter-Church developed through the late twelfth century in parts of western Europe, notably modern south-west France and northern Italy, and eventually, after years of complaints and sanctions from the papacy against the Count of Toulouse, brought the Albigensian crusade to the Count’s lands and resulted in the first public inquisitions into heresy. This theory has been profoundly challenged in the last 20 years: see the most recent summary of the debate in Shulevitz (2018). For the traditional Cathar narrative, see Lambert (1998), Barber (2013); the most complete rethinkings of this narrative are Pegg (2001, 2007), Biget (2007), Moore (2012). The tone and stakes of the debate can be measured in the recent collection Cathars in Question (Sennis, 2016). [^{^}]
8. No one has yet studied the possible biases operative in Doat’s selective copying and their subsequent effects on the course of historiography of inquisition and heresy. One hopes that this is investigated by Peter Biller and his team currently transcribing the earliest depositions, those found in Doat 21–24 (see https://www.york.ac.uk/res/doat). On the processes of the Doat Commission in general terms, see Caterina Bruschi (2009: 24–26), Peter Biller et al (2010: 3–34), and Biller (2018: 25–33). For more general background on Doat and the formation of his collection, see Henri Omont (1916), Laurent Albaret (1996, 2014). To situate Doat’s mandate more generally within Colbert’s larger ambitions, see Jacob Soll’s (2009) thrilling monograph The Information Master: Jean-Baptiste Colbert’s Secret State Intelligence System. [^{^}]
9. Schmidt (1848: 66–70) explained southern noble susceptibility to heresy by combining anthropology from Montesquieu and Michelet. Montesquieu in L’esprit des lois (1875: vol XIV) established the ‘climate thesis’, arguing that the people of southern climates were impetuous, emotional, and less easy to govern, because of excessive exposure to the sun. Schmidt may have received these ideas through Charles-Victor de Bonstetten’s (1824) modified version of the climate thesis in L’homme du Midi et l’homme du Nord, ou, L’influence du climat. Jules Michelet made Montesquieu’s thesis more material, arguing that the southerners, specifically the nobility, were inclined to ‘les nouveautés’, a mix of ‘strange’ Semitic, Jewish, and Moorish influences imported from the East via the Mediterranean mercantilism, habitual of the Midi. For Michelet (1893: Vol 4, 305–325, especially 314–15), the nobility of the Midi were more consumed with these innovations than with respecting the duties inherent in their noble status (unlike their counterparts in the north of France); forgetting those noble obligations led them, among other moral degradations, to conduct war against the Church. Moreover, such war was the only thing that bound together the fractious, impetuous southern nobles and their populations. The abbot and future bishop Célestin Douais (1879: 283) repeated the same ‘sunburn thesis’, in his youthful thése on the Albigeois, a formula he never returned to again after Molinier (1879: 482–83) poured scorn on his naïve methodology; this did not prevent Douais from retaining the anti-clerical roots of Catharism. [^{^}]
10. This is, of course, a matter of what a given historian judges to be insight and innovation. For example, Bernard Hamilton (1998: 208), in his essay on Schmidt’s influence, determines that ‘new Inquisition records continue to be printed, but these add to our existing knowledge rather than changing it’; his essay treats almost nothing of the sociology of Catharism, being preoccupied with tracing origins of Cathar theology. Biller (2010: 100–2) supports innovation insofar as it defends Catharism, citing Bruchi’s (2003) ‘surplus’ and John Arnold’s (2003) ‘field of knowledge’ and ‘excess’. I explore whether either of these methods can be usefully applied to MS 609 in Rehr (2018: 22–26). [^{^}]
11. As Pegg and R. I. Moore (2015) make clear, the consequences are far-reaching, for if we misunderstand the motivations and meanings of crusade and inquisition in the Midi in the first half of the thirteenth century, then we are wrong about a fundamental episode in the development of religion, politics, and society in western Europe. Pegg’s dismantling of Catharism, and his work on MS 609, has been subject to counter-criticism which argues that he treats MS 609 too much in isolation from other sources. See articles in Sennis (2016) – especially those by Biller, Arnold, and Jörg Feuchter – and Shulevitz (2018) for summary of fundamentals. This reductive view of Pegg’s work on MS 609 sidesteps his responses which explain why he thinks those other sources are irrelevant to understanding the lives and beliefs recorded in MS 609; moreover, no one to date has actually engaged with and tested Pegg’s anthropological method and the insights it has produced. [^{^}]
12. Until now, beyond footnote fragments, historians have had access to a little known transcription of the first few folios (Dusan, 1868) and two incomplete transcriptions: the first, organised mid-twentieth century by Austin Evans and Merriam Sherwood at Columbia University, held in the Butler library under call number BX4890 .B47 1255g, and partially scanned at https://catalog.hathitrust.org/Record/008400500 (two copies of this transcript are held in the John Mundy Collection at the Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies library in Toronto, Canada, under shelf number F 110–3 through 110–6); the second is the personal transcription done by Jean Duvernoy which circulated among a few people and later made available on his site http://jean.duvernoy.free.fr/text/listetexte.htm. Duvernoy’s original typescript is now stored with his other papers at the Archives departementales de l’Aude under shelf number 10 JJ 422–423. Both transcriptions are deeply flawed, with the unfortunate result that many errors have been transmitted into historiography by historians who have used them without verifying against the original manuscript (Rehr, 2018: 16–19). For a history of various attempts, see http://medieval-inquisition.huma-num.fr/MS609/history. [^{^}]
13. Given (2001: 2). Comments on the registry’s style date from when MS 609 first entered the historical record: Louis Tanon (1893: 154) briefly judging the depositions ‘rédigées dans la meme forme’, including those few entries he found useful for his institutional study of French inquisition; Douais (1891: 149), ‘d’abord la difficulté de la lecture; ensuite la longueur d’un document, du reste quelque peu monotone, puisque, comme dans toutes les enquetes, les memes renseignements y reviennent souvent’. The same comments have multiplied since the appearance of Pegg’s monograph, which refocused historians’ attention on MS 609, wherein he attributed the ‘repetitiveness’ to inquisitorial intention, for example in Bruschi and Biller (2003: 17) and Sparks (2014: 13). [^{^}]
14. Douais (1891: 150–51) organized his article around six religious categories: ‘la distinction des « hérétiques » et des Vaudois, les doctrines des « hérétiques », les observances des « hérétiques », l’organisation de la secte, les livres de la secte, les rapports des hérétiques avec la Lombardie’. [^{^}]
15. Peter Biller (2005: 267; 2016: 278–279) has on numerous occasions tied together the value of MS 609 and the methodology of Guiraud, Duvernoy, Griffe, and Wakefield, but in positivist terms, ‘Because of the concrete nature of the data in inquisitions, these scholars have all been writing history that amounts to the “lived religion” of the Cathars’; he exercises the same method in his own limited work on MS 609 (Biller, 2010). [^{^}]
16. Guiraud dedicated one page to acknowledging that he uses inquisitorial depositions, versus 36 pages on the study of medieval literary sources (1935: Vol. 1, XI–XLVIII). Only a brief note buried in the second volume (1935: Vol 2, 144) acknowledges the existence of Bernard de Caux and Johan de Saint-Pierre as the inquisitors. I refer to this (Rehr, 2018: 16–18) as ‘documentary positivism’, an effect in a field which had, until the 1990s, been largely dominated by religious historians and the untrained, the inheritance of which must still be reckoned with. Reflections on what role inquisitors had in shaping testimony are naturally missing from much of the first, rather apologetic, decades of Cahiers de Fanjeaux (when under the leadership of clerics). Duvernoy (1976: 9) justifies this in his work referring directly to Guiraud’s methods, later comparing (Duvernoy, 1979: 7–8) the forensic accuracy of Cathar depositions to the ‘illusions’ of later witchcraft accusations. Roquebert (1995) on Mas-Saintes-Puelles has exactly one footnote which reports the folio range he draws from; Brenon (2000), in a survey of ‘problems’ related to Catharism, considers inquisition simply a repressive institution, but is silent on the question of objectivity of testimony. Anglo-American scholars up through the 1990s evince no significant reflection either on what role inquisitors in the Midi had in shaping testimony, see historiographic overview in Biller (1994), where he notes especially Wakefield’s influental essay on Mas-Saintes-Puelles, discussed further below. Notwithstanding claims (Arnold, 2016: 53; Biller, 2016: 278) that Herbert Grundmann (1961) and Robert Lerner (1971) paved the way with early source criticism of inquisitorial records, it had no effect on Catharism and the positivist plundering of related inquisitorial records. [^{^}]
17. Guiraud’s development of anti-clericalism in Southern nobility as fons et origo of the Cathars is found in chapter XI, which depends on recounting stories of territorial conflicts between secular and ecclesiastic lords and casting them (with no evidence of direct connection) into religious conflict incited by heretical preaching. It remains to be investigated how the rising anti-clerical environment in France (Carbonell, 1979; Amargier and Fortanie, 1979) at the turn of nineteenth century shaped the Catharism of Douais and Guiraud (and generations at the influential Catholic Institute of Toulouse who would go on to form the Cahiers de Fanjeaux). [^{^}]
18. Elie Griffe affirmed and developed further Guiraud’s anti-clericalism (1969: chapter 7, and explicitly at 172–173) in a succinct trilogy on the Cathars which became a key reference for English-language scholars of heresy, and the ‘noble Catharism’ became foundation for influential Cathar scholars including Malcolm Lambert (1998: 66), Malcolm Barber (2013) – both of whose works are reference texts on the Cathars, and James B. Given (2001: 124). [^{^}]
19. Wakefield was a student of Austin Evans, and with John Mundy participated in transcribing MS 609. Biller (1994: 44–49) refers to this as the ‘Columbia School’, and indeed Wakefield and Mundy were bound together by a focus on social history and a pronounced pragmatism with respect to inquisitorial registries. Wakefield produced a source book on medieval heresy with Evans (1969), but otherwise rested squarely in social history with restrained discussion of theological matters in his work. See further comments on Mundy at note 73 – his relationship to Catharism was ambivalent and often tangential to his interests; the titles of many of his later collections, generally having little to do with the subject, included ‘Cathar’ at the behest of his publisher. [^{^}]
20. On Semkov’s prosopography of Mas-Saintes-Puelles see note 41. [^{^}]
21. There is no consensus on what makes an edition ‘natively digital’ – scholarly opinion ranges from data-centricity to interactive presentation to paradigm shifts (Boot et al., 2017: 15–24, 37–46). It may best be glossed for purposes here by contrasting the edition of MS 609 to traditional print editions: the digital edition contains a system of unified markup of features such as people, places, dates (Rehr, 2018: Annex 2) which can be queried as a database as easily as the text itself may be read by a human. The digital edition is hosted by Huma-Num (a consortium funded by the CNRS and various universities dedicated to providing infrastructure for the digital humanities) at http://medieval-inquisition.huma-num.fr/. To a great degree, the analysis of MS 609, and so the study of heresy and inquisition, has been limited due to the need to manually process the massive amount of information contained in the manuscript. [^{^}]
22. All references to MS 609 in this article are to my digital edition, structured as follows: MS609-0111-01 where ‘–111’ is the deposition ordinal in the manuscript, and ‘–01’ is the paragraph reference (optional). Documents on the site follow a standardised format where MS609-0111 would be at http://medieval-inquisition.huma-num.fr/doc/MS609-0111. The digital edition references the original folio numbers and presents them high-resolution images. All depositions and all other data referred to in this article can be downloaded from the website at http://medieval-inquisition.huma-num.fr/downloads. [^{^}]
23. I thank Bob Moore for raising this possible objection. [^{^}]
24. I thank Ian Forrester for raising this possible interpretation at IMC Leeds 2018. [^{^}]
25. Elements of the following sections on methodology first appeared in different form in chapter 2 “Une nouvelle cartographie d’un ancien territoire” of my mémoire (Rehr, 2018: 39–61). [^{^}]
26. MS609-0589 (http://medieval-inquisition.huma-num.fr/doc/MS609-0589). [^{^}]
27. This article presents findings from the perspective of the inquisitors, and therefore I use hereticus/heretica when referring to the depositions to emphasize the hostile, accusatory nature of depositions. The question of what contemporaries themselves called the heretici is subject to copious acrimonious discussion, although I am convinced (with Pegg) that MS 609 provides sufficient evidence that those caught by the term hereticus/heretica were known as bons omes/bonas femnas in Occitan, boni homines/bonae feminae in the Latin manuscript (i.e. the good men and good women). Whether the good men and women were always identical to hereticus/heretica needs further exploration, but research has been blocked by Catharism’s uncritical insistence on using the interpretive rubric of a church. There is no evidence from the registries, or anywhere in the Midi during this period, that the term ‘Cathar’ was ever used: Shulevitz (2019: 6–7) usefully outlines the arguments found in detail in Pegg (2001b) and Théry (2002). Despite this absence, Claire Taylor (2016) argues for continued use of ‘Cathar’, although some of her arguments are based on Duvernoy’s faulty transcription of MS 609 and as such merit revisiting (Rehr, 2018: 16–19). [^{^}]
28. The connection between transcription and encoding is elaborated and demonstrated with examples at http://medieval-inquisition.huma-num.fr/MS609/encoding. [^{^}]
29. MS609-0223 (http://medieval-inquisition.huma-num.fr/doc/MS609-0223), MS609-0244 (http://medieval-inquisition.huma-num.fr/doc/MS609-0244). [^{^}]
30. Unlike others who gave multiple depositions, there is no note that she was imprisoned after her first deposition. Cf. the margin notes at the depositions of Sauramunda del Mas, MS609-0231 (http://medieval-inquisition.huma-num.fr/doc/MS609-0231) and Peire Faure of Saint-Martin, MS609-0454 (http://medieval-inquisition.huma-num.fr/doc/MS609-0454), both of whom were imprisoned between depositions. [^{^}]
31. This term is discussed below and in note 49. [^{^}]
32. MS609-0230 (http://medieval-inquisition.huma-num.fr/doc/MS609-0230). [^{^}]
33. MS609-0090 (http://medieval-inquisition.huma-num.fr/doc/MS609-0090). [^{^}]
34. MS609-0230 (http://medieval-inquisition.huma-num.fr/doc/MS609-0230). [^{^}]
35. MS609-0242 (http://medieval-inquisition.huma-num.fr/doc/MS609-0242). [^{^}]
36. For a general introduction to principles of network analysis see John Scott (2000). As the field has exploded with the massive amounts of data and interest generated by social networks and other applications, social scientists have had to think more clearly about methods. For an orientation, see field-leading Garry Robins (2015). There are very few monographs which have integrated network analysis into historical research: the problems of biased and missing data are similar to challenges faced by social scientists, but are shaded with further epistemological issues (Gould, 2003). The formation in 2017 of the Journal of Historical Network Research (https://jhnr.uni.lu/index.php/jhnr) will hopefully seed this work. [^{^}]
37. One could apply this to MS 609 to build a basic, necessarily incomplete, diagram of ‘who knows who’ in each village (Guilhem Ayalric’s deposition demonstrates that he did not name family, friends, or even acquaintances, and as such gives us nothing with which to reconstruct a social world). The work of many historians who who try to evoke social relations from inquisitorial registers is often undermined by an assumption that the inquisitor has provided sufficient content for an objective survey of social relations in a community, like a sociologist or anthropologist. [^{^}]
38. See places, their owners, and both their appearances in events at http://medieval-inquisition.huma-num.fr/place/name-index. [^{^}]
39. With the exception of hereticus, the inquisitors did not use the categories of transgression which they described in their manuals such as credens, fautor, receptator, defensor, inter alia (Arnold, 2001: 33–47, especially 42–43). Rather, the depositions describe actions. There are over 70 distinctly different types of action related to heresy within just the folios related to le Mas and Saint-Martin, from adoration, to eating with heretici, to letting heretici work in one’s fields, to seeing a hereticus in someone’s doorway. These are all tagged in the database, demonstrated at http://medieval-inquisition.huma-num.fr/MS609/encoding. [^{^}]
40. All of the analysis, reports, and diagrams in this article are generated by Gephi, an open source network analysis and visualisation software. See https://gephi.org/. I have used version 0.9.1. All the algorithms deployed by Gephi are public domain, used by all network analysis packages under a common name system ensuring cross-compatibility of the data and files used here and available for download at http://medieval-inquisition.huma-num.fr/downloads. [^{^}]
41. A network graph is a statistical calculation which can then be visualized for easier identification of patterns and trends. The visualizations are controlled by the user through interface decisions for layout, color and size of nodes and edges using one of a handful of common layout algorithms. The diagrams in this study use the ForceAtlas 2 implementation in Gephi. These graphics were generated from the extensive data of the digital edition, precompiled and available in different formats at http://medieval-inquisition.huma-num.fr/downloads. [^{^}]
42. Semkov (1984: 44) counts 152 people as credentes, consequently relied upon as demographics of Cathar belief by Barber (2013: 75), Biget (2007: 130–32), Lambert (1998: 133); there are in fact 297 people named as such, 80% of which are positively identifiably from le Mas proper (cf. Table 4). Semkov did not publish appendices with the data, just summaries and some selections of names, so it is difficult to determine the root methodological error. Cabirou (1995a: 156–61) is more accurate and provides detailed lists for Saint-Martin. My counts can be verified a number of ways: view the annexes of my detailed study (Rehr, 2018), or download the marked-up edition and/or the formatted data at http://medieval-inquisition.huma-num.fr/downloads. [^{^}]
43. This common sociological observation is the starting point for every textbook on social network analysis. See the introduction by Mark Newman (2010). The technical name for this network type is assortative, where nodes who share high degrees are highly connected in the centre, with lesser degree nodes on the periphery. [^{^}]
44. A secondary method to detect groups-within-groups is to use a modularity algorithm. I applied this sorting algorithm to both villages and the results produced, even at lowest sensitivity setting, were empirically nonsensical. My impression, to be tested further in the future, is that the algorithm itself could not detect communities from accusations. These results can be inspected in the Gephi files available at http://medieval-inquisition.huma-num.fr/downloads. I have an article in development on the challenges and obstacles of recreating real world social networks from inquisitorial registries. David Zbiral’s funded project at Masaryk University, Dissident Religious Cultures in Medieval Europe from the Perspective of Social Network Analysis and Geographic Information Systems (DISSINET), may wrestle with the same problem. [^{^}]
45. The denials themselves are problematic and require further study. There are a disquieting number of instances of husbands, wives, and children of deeply incriminated credentes at le Mas and Saint-Martin who deny any knowledge whatsoever of heretici. This phenomenon is not easily dismissed with claims of ignorance; such ignorance would require a fantastic feat of unquestioned avoidance of any and all social life within the family and in the village. [^{^}]
46. A number of these outsiders can be traced in other depositions and await the full encoding of the registry in order to be properly studied. [^{^}]
47. The network diameter of both villages is six. This figure represents the longest ‘path’ across the network for one theoretical person to reach another, where six equals the number of jumps between people. This diameter tells us nothing about accusations as accusations in depositions are between two people, not across a network. What it does tells us is that accusations did not center on just two people; if they did, the network diameter would be a maximum of three. [^{^}]
48. Depositions of Pelegrina del Mas, MS609-0015 (http://medieval-inquisition.huma-num.fr/doc/MS609-0015) and Ermessende Mir Arezat, MS609-0511 (http://medieval-inquisition.huma-num.fr/doc/MS609-0511). [^{^}]
49. Again it seems the exception proves the rule, there are a handful of times in the manuscript where a deponent explicitly states they saw others adore but they did not adore themselves. [^{^}]
50. The term is a loose translation of Douais’ ‘familles principales’ and ‘familles considerables’, characterizing the ambiguous sociology underpinning Catharism. For example, Douais (1900, Vol 2: 4): ‘La famille des Resengas […] était une des principales familles du Lauraguais’: we cannot substantiate for this in any way. [^{^}]
51. One of these juramentum (Archives nationales J305.29) was editioned by John Hine Mundy (1997: 368–84) and contains a list of 11 consules and 1,028 (!) other signatories to the oath at Toulouse. I have edited the juramentum from le Mas dated March 1243 (Archives nationales, Paris, J305.28) at http://medieval-inquisition.huma-num.fr/doc/TDC-J305-28. It contains the five brother milites, six consules, and ninety-six probi homines. I am preparing an article on the consulates and probi homines of the Lauragais and Albigeois before the inquisition using the juramenta and serments from the Trésor des chartes and the Fonds Maltes of the Archives departementales de la Haute-Garonne. These include consulates of le Mas, Saint-Martin, Castlenaudary, Fanjeaux, and Lavaur, Castres. Among the great curiosities are the appearance of numerous heretici from MS 609 among the hundreds of probi homines in the oaths. [^{^}]
52. This analysis relies on Mundy’s lifetime of studying the consulates of Toulouse. One result is that he found (Mundy, 1997: 368) that the order of oath takers in the list reflected certain social relations, as we find in the juramenta. Mundy was able to index the names of consuls against all the names he had from the volumes of documents in his collection. To my knowledge not much study has been given to the order of names in charters, generally due to lack of volumes of encoded data for comparison and the relative absence of network analysis in medieval research until recently. See now Barbara Rosenwein’s (1989: 20–23) analysis of social groups in charters at Cluny (by computerizing them using Joachim Wallach’s Gruppensuchprogramm at Munich). The phenomenon of families rotating through seats of the consulates can be glossed by scanning Mundy’s consular lists, cross referencing with his massive name index. Any one of his family biographies in, for example, Society and Government (Mundy, 1989: Appendix One) reveals the family and friendship networks of consulates in greater detail. See the same effect produced by Feuchter’s (2007: 531–38) lists of consuls at Montauban, and again for Albi later in the thirteenth century, see Théry (2003). [^{^}]
53. Notwithstanding the evidence of MS 609 and the juramentum under discussion, we find these relations confirmed by charters in the Archives departamentales de la Haute-Garonne, most notably Malte H Puysubran 18.40 of 1234, which brings together a number of the names from the consuls and the key probi homines in the aforementioned AN J305.28. [^{^}]
54. MS609-0383-01 (http://medieval-inquisition.huma-num.fr/doc/MS609-0383). [^{^}]
55. Elements of the following sections first appeared in different form in chapter 3 “Accuser les consuls du Mas et de Saint-Martin” of my mémoire (Rehr, 2018: 62–80). [^{^}]
56. MS609-0182-07 (http://medieval-inquisition.huma-num.fr/doc/MS609-0182). Garnier incriminates the Gautas, Vidals, de Rosengues, Amelhs, Gaufreds, de Quiriès, Godalhs, Alemans, and the del Mas. [^{^}]
57. MS609-0002 (http://medieval-inquisition.huma-num.fr/doc/MS609-0002). [^{^}]
58. MS609-0481 (http://medieval-inquisition.huma-num.fr/doc/MS609-0481). [^{^}]
59. MS609-0501 (http://medieval-inquisition.huma-num.fr/doc/MS609-0501). [^{^}]
60. This expedition is related at MS609-0453-7, MS609-0454-2, MS609-0470-4, MS609-0485-2, MS609-0564-2, MS609-0575-4, MS609-0586-2, MS609-0589-3, MS609-0601-2. There is one other deposition (MS609-0582) which speaks of ‘de facto Sancti Papuli’, where Peire de Carras testified that he was made a faidit because of it. It is unclear if this is in fact the same event. He gives no details regarding the event, no date, no other names at the event, nor the cause of it as all others did; moreover, no milites are named on the expedition in the other depositions. It is thus possible that there were other conflicts with the abbey, which lies only a few kilometers from Saint-Martin. These depositions can be compared together at http://medieval-inquisition.huma-num.fr/compare?segments=MS609-0582-1+MS609-0453-7+MS609-0454-2+MS609-0470-4+MS609-0485-2+MS609-0564-2+MS609-0575-4+MS609-0586-2+MS609-0589-3+MS609-0601-2. [^{^}]
61. MS609-0453-7 (http://medieval-inquisition.huma-num.fr/doc/MS609-0453). [^{^}]
62. ‘alios plures usque ad XXX vel XL’, Raimund Amelh, MS609-0134-4 (http://medieval-inquisition.huma-num.fr/doc/MS609-0134): ‘alios plures usque ad LXX et amplius’, Galhard Amelh, MS609-0137-1 (http://medieval-inquisition.huma-num.fr/doc/MS609-0137). [^{^}]
63. MS609-0199-4 (http://medieval-inquisition.huma-num.fr/doc/MS609-0199). [^{^}]
64. MS609-0136-1 (http://medieval-inquisition.huma-num.fr/doc/MS609-0136). [^{^}]
65. This joke is at the centre of the chapter ‘One Full Dish of Chestnuts’ in Pegg (2001b: 114–25). [^{^}]
66. Na Flor, MS609-0233 (http://medieval-inquisition.huma-num.fr/doc/MS609-0233). [^{^}]
67. MS609-0266 (http://medieval-inquisition.huma-num.fr/doc/MS609-0266). According to Raimund Aleman, the horse thieving also involved Bertrand de Quiriès, and Guilhem del Mas and his scutifer, Guilhem Moreta, MS609-0084-10 (http://medieval-inquisition.huma-num.fr/doc/MS609-0084). [^{^}]
68. Prosat was tonsured, likely a lay member of the church. No other details are known about him from MS 609 to shed further light on what acolitus actually meant. [^{^}]
69. It was not random that Prosat’s sole story featured consuls and probi homines. Peire Prosat, MS609-0024-2; B. Lapassa, MS609-0035-1; Bernard de Quiriès, MS609-0206-1. See comparison of stories at http://medieval-inquisition.huma-num.fr/compare?segments=MS609-0024-2+MS609-0035-1+MS609-0206-1 Cf. Pegg (2001b: 124–125). [^{^}]
70. MS609-0481 (http://medieval-inquisition.huma-num.fr/doc/MS609-0481). [^{^}]
71. MS609-0001-01 (http://medieval-inquisition.huma-num.fr/doc/MS609-0001). [^{^}]
72. Taking just two examples, depositions corroborating appearances with Bertrand Marti, hereticus, near the chapel of Saint-Michael, c. 1234 – c. 1238 or those corroborating the appearances at the bed of the very ill Guilhem Faure. [^{^}]
73. The key story for every chain of corroborated stories was identified by friars Bernard or Johan. There were three principal notaries who provided continuity for depositions of le Mas and Saint-Martin: Peire Fresapa, Nepos de Dournia, and Peire Aribert. They were assisted in a few instances by Bernard de Gaus, B. Petrabuffera, and ‘Bartholomie’. Most of these names are found again in the related sentences recorded in Bibliothèque nationale de France Ms. Lat. 9992 (http://medieval-inquisition.huma-num.fr/MS9992/list) and other documents issued at Toulouse and in the Lauragais. [^{^}]
74. Administrative and constitutional history of the county of Toulouse has generally started with the ‘innovations’ to administration brought by Louis IX and Alphonse, which lead Ramière de Fortanier to argue that town and village consuls only then flourished and multiplied in the Midi. His argument was circular in that it depended on the very constitutional documents he credits to Capetian administration. [^{^}]
75. I note that Mundy (1990: 1–4; 1997: 1–5) was equivocal about Catharism toward the end of his career, declaring that his archival work had only produced confusion about where Christianity ended and heterodoxy began in families and social groups, to the point where he wasn’t sure what defined either in the Toulousain of the thirteenth century. His archives at the Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies (Toronto) may hold some indications as to where this equivocation would have taken his research. [^{^}]
76. The questions are formulated with the acknowledgement that we do not know what the other eight of the original ten volumes contained (Dossat, 1959: 56–70; Pegg, 2001: 25). We can speculate to some degree based on references in the margins of MS 609 as to contents of missing volumes, together with BnF MS Lat 9992 (edited at http://medieval-inquisition.huma-num.fr/MS9992/list) which contains sentences from the same inquisition. [^{^}]
77. Many of these juramenta still have their silk-attached consular seals, including J.305.13, 16, 18, 20, 21, 23, 24, 27, 28, 29 and J.306.71. See images by following http://medieval-inquisition.huma-num.fr/Tresor_des_Chartes/list. [^{^}]
78. Lambert (1998: 71) argues that Cathars ‘fade away to the east’ of Trencavel territory, arguing from no evidence beyond the presence (or lack thereof) of crusade and inquisition. [^{^}]

Acknowledgements

References